The Alliance’s main tasks are to support Ukraine’s right to self-defence and prevent escalation. That is what we are doing, tells Vineta Kleine, Head of the NATO Information and Documentation Centre in Kyiv in an interview to Diplomaatia.
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The Russian and western visions of European security have profoundly different ideational roots: balance of power embedded in realist geopolitics versus liberal rules-based order. Russia is a revisionist power aiming to re-establish a European security order based on the balance of power, including a recognition of its empire and sphere of influence. Russia’s aggressive pursuit of this vision has forced the West to defend the rules-based liberal order in Europe and beyond.
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This analysis into the foreign policies of Poland and Hungary under PiS and Fidesz, particularly in the context of the Russian war on Ukraine. Despite both parties being often labelled as populist, their foreign policy positions and actions differ. The ongoing Russian war against Ukraine has made these differences more visible, impacting their relationships with each other, other nations, and the EU.
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Up until the blatant act of Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2022, the West had been gradually shifting its attention towards East Asia, with China seen as the primary challenge of the first half of the 21st century. The new context requires a thorough reassessment of international security architecture by all national stakeholders. This, in turn, offers Estonia and Japan the opportunity to enrich their security perspectives on common strategic threats, as well as on broader geopolitical shifts caused by Russia and China.
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It is not for the U.S. or other outsiders to define what constitutes a victory for Ukraine or the end of the war for Ukraine. The terms will be set by Ukraine, finds US Ambassador George P. Kent in an interview to Diplomaatia.
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Maksym Kononenko, extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Estonia, sat down for his first interview in Estonia as Ukraine prepared to mark its 32 years since the restoration of its Independence – and 547 days since the full-scale Russian invasion – on 24 August 2023.
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Since the NATO Summit in Vilnius failed to grant Ukraine an invitation to the Alliance, undisguised disappointment has been common.
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NATO’s heads of state and government meet this week for their second summit after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s war and its consequences will again dominate the agenda.
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For many decades, the United Kingdom has been an important player in the Nordic-Baltic region, and today it aims to increase its contribution to security and stability of the region. The UK has long been an attractive partner for countries in the region that seek to maintain strong relations with the geopolitical heavyweight possessing a similar outlook on the security environment, transatlantic relations, utility of military force, and the threat from Russia. Given London’s interest for global engagement and its limited means, ensuring continuous and reliable British involvement in the region is a priority for Nordic-Baltic states.
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There are three major issues on the Vilnius Summit agenda – new defence plans, spending commitments and Ukraine’s path to NATO membership – that are of vital importance for NATO’s ability to manage the Russian threat in the years and decades to come. As the summit takes place at the time of an epochal shift for not only European, but also international security, the significance of it extends well beyond Europe. The decisions to be taken at the Vilnius Summit will send signals to allies as well as adversaries regarding the capability and resolve of NATO to manage the Russian threat.
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