Europeanisation is necessary to sustain NATO’s deterrence of Russia at a time when US leadership is agnostic at best and failing at worst. The task is neither impossible, nor quick, nor easy. Europeanisation should be pursued as a matter of urgency.
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The perception that the US has turned its back on or is in the process of separating from Europe and continental defence and security is certainly understandable. Naturally, there is a focus on the noise of President Donald Trump’s rhetoric rather than the signal of his policy intentions. While there remains and will remain significant transatlanticism at nearly every level of government, Congress, and across the ecosystem of policy institutions and industry, there is a growing appreciation of the drivers of the president’s policies within these circles. In many ways, the Trump agenda towards NATO is a practical recognition of new realities, and more a long overdue re-balancing of the transatlantic relationship to reflect the administration’s geostrategic worldview and domestic priorities.
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President Trump’s second arrival in the White House has ushered in a new era of transatlantic relations that will fundamentally reshape ties between the US and its Allies. It is appropriate to mourn the trust and confidence that have been lost in a matter of weeks. Yet, with no time to spare, devoted transatlanticists should reimagine how this relationship could better serve American and European security interests. In this endeavour, Europe’s objective should be to achieve greater strategic agency—and work with Trump’s Washington to get there.
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As the talks about a potential ceasefire continue, fighting on the frontlines in Ukraine is fierce, and problems—from manpower shortages to stalled military aid—amount. However, Ukrainians have always been resourceful. And today, they have innovations and warfighting experience to share with allies and partners, so that we are all best prepared for what might come next, says Taras Chmut, Head of the Come Back Alive Foundation.
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Russia’s war in Ukraine has underscored the importance of effective air and missile defence for the protection of both units on the battlefield and infrastructure behind the front lines. The war has also served as a reminder that while Europe’s air and missile defence has long been recognised as a critical capability shortfall, NATO Allies and EU Member States have not acted with sufficient resolve to rectify this situation.
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The increasing frequency and sophistication of Russia’s hybrid attacks across Europe demand a comprehensive and multi-layered response, as their complexity — ranging from cyberattacks and disinformation to sabotage and kinetic attacks — challenges conventional defence and deterrence strategies.
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For years, Moscow has tried to pressure the west to recognise its status as a great power and accept its vision of rearrangement of world order. To force the international community to respect its great power position, Russia has applied a wide range of coercive and deterrent measures, which fall under the Russian concept of ‘strategic deterrence.’
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2023 saw a boom in generative Artificial Intelligence (AI). However, such a rapid expansion revealed the unpreparedness of governments to handle the unprecedented impact AI systems have on the core values of democratic societies.
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Maksym Kononenko, extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Estonia, sat down for his first interview in Estonia as Ukraine prepared to mark its 32 years since the restoration of its Independence – and 547 days since the full-scale Russian invasion – on 24 August 2023.
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After Russia invaded Ukraine, the diplomatic scene witnessed many collective walkouts at international venues when the representatives from the aggressor country took the floor – a symbolic gesture of protest and disgust with the Russian policy and those who defend it.
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