The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees the issue of ethnic minorities (民族 问题) as an existential threat to the integrity of the country that, according to Xi Jinping, like the Taiwan issue, cannot be postponed indefinitely.
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The year 2021 marks the centenary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), founded by a handful of revolutionaries in 1921 with the support of the Soviet Comintern. The party’s leadership wants to make the centenary a moment of triumph, the year when the country it controls achieves “moderate prosperity” (小康) and starts preparing for its second centenary, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC), founded in 1949, becomes a “modern socialist country” and, it is presumed, the leading power in the world.
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Less than a decade ago, the Arctic region was widely regarded as an extraordinary, peaceful region. Brought about by a combination of a harsh geography incentivising cooperation over conflict and by the commitment of the Arctic countries themselves, the region was hailed in many quarters as exceptional, a place where the traditional rules of power politics had been, if not dismantled, then at least reined in. This is no longer the case.
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After seven decades of liberal order and three decades of American unipolarity, it may be difficult to imagine that the current rules-based international system, supported by liberal norms and values and organised around a set of multilateral institutions, could eventually give way to something radically different. But in Beijing, political and intellectual elites have engaged in intense discussions about building a new world order.
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The heavily criticised EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investments (CAI) finds itself on the axis of the European Union, China and the US. This constitutes an uncomfortable triangle for the three Baltic countries—Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, also known as the 3B. The EU-China deal provides a worrying case study about the indirect effects the EU’s foreign policy may have on its member states.
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NATO’s search for a common, cohesive strategy towards China is among the challenges most likely to reveal deep fractures between the positions of the Allies.
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Andrew A. Michta argues that the governments of Central and Eastern European countries will need to weigh the benefit to them of continued economic engagement with China, especially in the area of 5G.
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This analysis examines aspects of the Russian-Chinese defence relationship: its political motivations, trade between the two counties, collaboration in research and procurement, and military-military cooperation including exercises.
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Due to its proximity to the Baltic states, its relevance to China and its recent publication of a strategy document on that country, Sweden’s policy towards Beijing should be of great interest to the Baltic countries.
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Europe and the US have a number of common concerns caused by the rise of China that could help to repair transatlantic relations. Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries should invest in strengthening the EU’s unity and transatlantic cooperation vis-à-vis China rather than the 17+1 format.
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