This paper offers its readers a closer look at one particular aspect of global information confrontation – the variable vulnerability of different demographic groups to digital disinformation. In particular, it looks into the online behaviour of middle-aged women (those aged between 45 and 65 years), who are frequent recipients of disinformation messages.
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The policy paper analysis explores a set of emerging human-driven vulnerabilities of the media landscapes in Estonia and Latvia to develop an evidence-based policy approach to increase the practical resilience and preparedness of Russian-language newsrooms and local journalists working in those areas and regions of high informational vulnerability.
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China has quickly become a world leader in the production, extraction and refining of rare-earth elements. With the geopolitical uncertainties stemming from China’s rise, plus the inevitable increase in the use of these elements due to the energy transition and the IT sector, the procurement of these critical materials is increasingly becoming a security issue.
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Notwithstanding the geographical distance separating Italy from the Arctic, Italy has gained a relevant position in the Arctic debate, mainly thanks to its scientific efforts and investments in the region. Estonia, on the other end, is very much closer to the region, being surrounded by Arctic states, and is currently seeking to strengthen its involvement in Arctic matters.
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Promotion of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific will serve to connect Europe and Asia. ‘Sincere powers’ should proactively interact with each other and seek to convince the major powers such as China to restrain their behaviour and adhere to the international norms and rules.
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Estonia and Japan are among the leaders in cyber diplomacy and cybersecurity on the global stage, Japan also being a key strategic partner for the EU and NATO. They have many similarities in their approaches to cybersecurity and state behaviour in cyberspace, which has established solid ground for closer bilateral ties. This report, authored by leading Estonian and Japanese researchers of cybersecurity policy, gives a valuable insight into the experiences and perspectives of these two countries, their success stories and challenges in building a secure cyberspace, as well as the potential for cooperation.
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We were lucky that it was Germany’s turn to seek a common position among the 27 countries of the European Union in the second half of 2020, leaving behind a year of an entirely new kind of crisis in the history of the Union with few political wounds. By comparison, the Estonian presidency of the European Council in 2017, confused by the Brexit turmoil, seems like a walk in the park.
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Russia’s military exercises, operations and defence industry exhibitions are showcasing an increasing number of unmanned aerial, land and maritime platforms. Some examples are dismissed by Western observers as evident failures and signs of unrealistic ambitions, even as a sort of “Potemkin village” display. However, there is no denying the fact that Russia’s defence leadership, military theorists and military practitioners are showing keen interest in robotic military applications featuring varying degrees of autonomy in performing their tasks.
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Despite the geographical distance between them, Estonia and Japan share many similar security challenges, such as potential destabilisation in cyberspace due to geopolitical tensions and conflicts, the vulnerability of national digital infrastructure, and the impact of cyber-attacks on trust in open, democratic societies. Tackling such challenges requires close international cooperation and the exchange of national best practices and experiences.
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Allies in the Mediterranean region rightly expect NATO to take threats and challenges from the south as seriously as they do those from the east. NATO needs to work out and to implement a comprehensive strategy and plans for the south that include concrete aims, joint actions, and resources. Alliance cohesion and solidarity depends to a substantial extent on the ability of the Allies to do this. The north-eastern flank Allies are ready to play their part, but it is the Mediterranean Allies who have the understanding and expertise necessary to define the content of a strategy for the regions they border.
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