France’s independent nuclear deterrence has been the main pillar of its defence strategy for sixty years. The French nuclear policy, as well as its European and allied dimensions, however, tends to be misunderstood abroad, including by those who rely on French military involvement in the pursuit of their national security goals.
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Russia’s war in Ukraine has undoubtedly been game-changing for Europe’s security, challenging the long-held beliefs and assumptions of many Western nations and prompting dramatic shifts in policy, for example, in Germany, Finland, and Sweden. The war’s conduct has also produced significant surprises, not least the unexpectedly poor performance of Russia’s supposedly reformed military.
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In the eighth brief of our “Russia’s War in Ukraine” series, Hudson Institute’s Richard Weitz examines issues related to weapons of mass destruction.
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The Swedish general election of 9 September 2018 generated very unclear results, at least by that country’s standards.
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On 12-13 October, European Leadership Network (ELN) held a seminar in Brussels, entitled “The NATO-Russia Nuclear Deterrence Relationship: Risks and Recommendations.“
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Most recent commentary on Kim Jong-un’s reasoning to continue with his nuclear programme rarely fails to invoke (the rogue state’s lessons learned from) the examples of Muammar Gaddafi and Saddam Hussein.
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The cruise missile strike ordered on Syria by President Donald Trump in the early morning (local time) of April 7, 2017, was not really a military show of power. It did not devastate completely the Shayrat airbase, something that was no doubt intentional in light of the two-hour evacuation warning. Instead, the Tomahawks sent a very serious political message both to Bashar al-Assad, and particularly to Kim Jong-un, setting in motion new dynamics in US-Russian and Sino-American relations.
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